“Body self” in the shadow of childhood sexual abuse: The long-term implications of sexual abuse for male and female adult survivors
Introduction
Although childhood sexual abuse (CSA) is more common among girls than boys, a considerable number of boys are also CSA victims (Walker, Carey, Mohr, Stein, & Seedat, 2004). A meta-analysis of studies conducted among non-clinical populations concluded that approximately 18% of the women and 7.6% of the men reported experiences of CSA (Stoltenborgh, van IJzendoorn, Euser, & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2011). Similar rates were evident among samples of college and university students (e.g., Pereda, Guilera, Forns, & Gómez-Benito, 2009).
Experiencing CSA may have long-term implications for victims’ body and self representations. The survivor’s body, which often “remembers” the abusive acts, may function as a living memorial of the traumatic event (Rothschild, 2000). As such, it may carry the memories of being used, threatened, invaded, and/or attacked. Indeed, some studies have pointed to the association between childhood sexual abuse and adult obesity, as the latter has been experienced as a form of protection from abuse-related sexual fears (Felitti, 1993). Since the abusive acts may shake the survivors’ sense of safety and influence their assumptions towards themselves and others (Janoff-Bulman, 1992), these memories may be manifested in their perceptions of their own bodies, as well as in their sense of safety and comfort in the presence of others.
Shame is an emotional reaction in which the individual perceives his/her own “self” as deficient and faulty (Nathanson & Lewis, 1987). This sense of shame may be directed toward various characteristics of the “self,” including one’s body. Body shame, in specific, may encompass negative evaluations of both one’s appearance and body functioning (Andrews, Qian, & Valentine, 2002; Gilbert & Miles, 2014). Studies have pointed to the association between CSA and a general sense of shame, among both female and male survivors (e.g., Feiring & Taska, 2005). The few studies that have examined body shame among adult survivors of CSA were conducted among female survivors only, yet indicated the association between childhood abuse and body shame and body dissatisfaction (e.g., Andrews, 1997).
An individual’s level of comfort when in close proximity to others reflects his/her sense of safety and calm in the presence of others. Studies have demonstrated that people generally need between 40 and 70 centimeters of personal space around them, in order to feel undisturbed; yet, personal space is a malleable entity that is responsive to situational demands and individual differences (Hayduk, 1983). Studies have indicated that CSA survivors have greater difficulty in regulating the physical distance between themselves and others, and tend to feel discomfort when physically close to others, as compared to individuals who have not been sexually abused (Geanellos, 2003, Sakson-Obada, 2014).
Since body shame represents the individual’s body identity, it may also be associated with individuals’ discomfort when they are in close proximity to others. When individuals perceive their bodies as inadequate, as in cases of body shame, they tend to prefer greater interpersonal distance between themselves and others (Frede, Gautney, & Baxter, 1968; Sakson-Obada, 2014). The current study examines a model in which the relations of CSA to body shame, and discomfort in close proximity to others – among adult male and female CSA survivors – are explained by two mediators: body self-objectification and disrupted body boundaries.
Body objectification is a process, often occurring during an interpersonal interaction, in which an individual’s body is no longer perceived by others as a subject; rather, it has been transformed into an object for the other’s use, satisfaction and enjoyment (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997, Nussbaum, 1995). Then, through internalization, objectified individuals may undergo a process of body self-objectification, a phenomenon in which they themselves view their bodies as instruments to satisfy the needs and desires of others (Dworkin, 1985, Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997, Nussbaum, 1995).
Self-objectification has mainly been discussed in the context of gender power relations; that is, certain social structures that have been internalized by women may lead them to believe that men are entitled to treat them in a sexual manner (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997, Nussbaum, 1995). It is not surprising, then, that although there has been an increase in the empirical attention given to self-objectification among men (e.g., Calogero, 2009, Steer and Tiggemann, 2008), studies have indicated that it is higher among women than among men (e.g., Frederick, Forbes, Grigorian, & Jarcho, 2007; Roberts & Gettman, 2004).
Although most of the writing on body self-objectification refers to the phenomenon in light of social-cultural processes, CSA can also be viewed as a potentially objectifying experience. Abusive acts often contain aggressive elements, expressed in the perpetrator’s use of the victim’s body. These acts negate the autonomy and humanity of the victim; while they are happening, the victim’s body is essentially rendered a passive object (Dworkin, 2009, Gervais and Davidson, 2013). Indeed, a significant association was found between childhood maltreatment (as examined with a general score that included CSA) and self-objectification (Talmon & Ginzburg, 2017a). In addition, severity of trauma symptoms among survivors of sexual trauma has been shown to be associated with body self-objectification (Miles-McLean et al., 2015).
Body self-objectification may be linked to a sense of body shame. When individuals are consistently exposed to external and internal comments related to their bodies, their body satisfaction tends to decrease, and the seeds of shame are thus planted (Gilbert & Miles, 2014). Studies have documented the relation between self-objectification and body shame (Fredrickson, Roberts, Noll, Quinn, & Twenge, 1998; Steer & Tiggemann, 2008; Szymanski and Henning, 2007), but this link was evident mainly among females. Furthermore, the few studies that have examined body self-objectification and body shame among men have reported controversial findings. Some studies demonstrated a positive relation between body self-objectification and body shame (e.g., Daniel & Bridges, 2010). Others, however, did not find this association (Fredrickson et al., 1998, Roberts and Gettman, 2004). More surprising are findings that have shown that self-objectification was associated with decreased levels of shame among men (Calogero, 2009, Tiggemann and Kuring, 2004).
Body boundaries demarcate the self; they separate the self from its surroundings (Kochan-Wójcik, 2011, Sakson-Obada, 2014) and draw a clear line between the “self” and the “not self” (Anzieu & Turner, 1989). These boundaries provide individuals with a fundamental sense of their sustainability and existence (James, 2001), in which their bodies are felt to be an integral part of their selves. Thus, body boundaries are experienced as a barrier that protects individuals from their surroundings (Krzewska & Dolińska-Zygmunt, 2013).
Individuals differ in their sense of body boundaries: Well-defined body boundaries enable individuals to be attentive to their body sensations, to be sensitive to them, and to interpret them in a meaningful way (Sakson-Obada, 2014). By contrast, individuals with a sense of disrupted body boundaries may find it difficult to identify their body sensations. This difficulty may be expressed as either apathy towards their bodies (Streeck-Fischer & Kolk, 2000), or alternatively, as an exaggerated sensitivity to body signals, which may evoke a sense of threat (Schmidt, Lerew, & Trakowski, 1997). Since a disruption in body boundaries may reflect people’s alienation towards their bodies, it may be related to body self-objectification.
As abusive sexual acts, by nature, involve an invasion in which the victims may lose control over their bodies, these experiences may impair the survivors’ recognition of their body boundaries. Indeed, a link between childhood maltreatment (as examined with a general score that included CSA) and disrupted body boundaries was observed among female students (Talmon & Ginzburg, 2017a). Other studies have provided further indirect evidence supporting this association. For instance, women with dysphoric body disorder reported high levels of child abuse and neglect when compared to norms for a health maintenance organization (HMO) sample of women (Didie et al., 2006). In addition, experiences of early interpersonal trauma have been shown to be associated with a disruption in sense of body identity as well as with negative attitudes toward the body, among both male and female survivors (Sakson-Obada, 2014).
Although the association between disrupted body boundaries and an individual’s discomfort when in close proximity to others has not yet been studied, there is indirect evidence supporting the rationale behind this association. Studies have shown that individuals with well-defined body identities are able to regulate their physical distance from others in a way that allows them to feel safe and comfortable, both physically and emotionally, whereas individuals with undefined body identities tend to avoid social interactions and/or report feeling intimidated during such interactions (Sakson-Obada, 2010, Sakson-Obada, 2014).
The current study examines a model which elucidates the mechanism underlying the association between CSA, body shame, and an individual’s discomfort when in close proximity to others, among university college/students. As most of the studies addressing these phenomena have referred to women, we aimed to examine this model among both male and female students. It is hypothesized that:
- 1.
CSA will be positively associated with body shame and an individual’s discomfort when in close proximity to others.
- 2.
The association between CSA and body shame will be mediated by body self-objectification. More specifically, CSA will be positively associated with body self-objectification, which will be positively associated with body shame.
- 3.
The association between CSA and an individual’s discomfort when in close proximity to others will be mediated by disrupted body boundaries. More specifically, CSA will be positively associated with disrupted body boundaries, which will be positively associated with an individual’s discomfort when in close proximity to others.
- 4.
A positive association will be found between body self-objectification and disrupted body boundaries.
- 5.
A positive association will be found between body shame and an individual’s discomfort when in close proximity to others.
Section snippets
Participants and procedure
A convenience sample of 843 university students participated in the study. The participants were recruited through the internet in one of three ways: first, through student Facebook groups whose members attended a variety of universities/colleges, studied in a number of different fields, and were at differing levels of their education (i.e., BA, MA, and PhD students); second, through online student forums; and third, through a post published on the researcher’s “wall” that was virally
Results
The results of the Mann–Whitney U test examining the differences between females and males indicated that female participants reported higher levels of CSA (Z = −2.91, p = .003), disrupted body boundaries (Barrier, Z = −3.38, p = .001; Permeability, Z = −5.26, p = .000), body self-objectification (Z = −7.81, p = .000), body shame (OBCS, Z = −6.21, p = .000; ESS, Z = −6.73, p = .000), and discomfort in close proximity to others (Z = −3.73, p = .000), compared to male participants.
Table 1 presents the correlations among the
Discussion
The model presented in this study aimed to examine the long-term effects of CSA on the body representations of both male and female CSA survivors. Despite the gendered nature of the constructs – that is, the fact that the aspects of body image discussed in this paper have mostly been conceptualized and examined among females (e.g., Andrews, 1997, Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997, Krzewska and Dolińska-Zygmunt, 2013) – the findings of the current study indicated that there were more similarities
Conflicts of interest
None.
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